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.” Even with these examples, though, he treats the party form as if it were irrevocably constrained by the alternative of reform or revolution.No one believes in revolution anymore, he tells us.People have become disillusioned with communist parties.Reform hasn’t fared any better.Left parties “always capitulate when they come to power.” Jameson’s objections to the party aren’t convincing, given his military counterproposal.It’s not like those leftists disillusioned with communist parties are more enthusiastic about the military.Although he jettisons the parties of the left, Jameson finds a role for liberal and social democratic parties in his transitional program.Their function is to talk and talk and talk.Although the system of representative government prevents them from actually accomplishing anything, liberal and social democratic parties are vehicles and fora for discursive struggle.They can undermine their opponents’ rhetoric, create new vocabularies, and make proposals.Jameson’s limited acceptance of parliamentary parties isn’t convincing, given his embrace of universal Wi-Fi.Globally networked personal communications provide sites for talk.Detached from policies, actions, and decisions that matter, the circulation of memes and images in the outrage of the day has already superseded the discursive role of parliamentary debate.Where he unnecessarily discards communist parties, Jameson unnecessarily accepts bourgeois ones.At any rate, since bargaining is betrayal and persuasion doesn’t work, the remaining option is coercion.Jameson takes the path of the military instead of the party because only the military can get the job done.But who makes the decisions that matter in Jameson’s scheme? Who directs the military? The benefit of Trotsky’s version of military democracy (which Jameson invokes) is the supposition of Bolshevik leadership in civil and class war.Politics isn’t erased.It takes a leading role, determining the course of military engagement.Jameson, though, imagines a transition in which universal conscription replaces building and exercising political will.In the utopia that follows, the people remain incapable of self-governance, unable to steer their society themselves.They are reduced to elements of machines of work and leisure.Channeled into the military apparatus and through the Psychoanalytic Placement Bureau, the collective power of the people to determine selfconsciously the conditions under which they live is utterly foreclosed.Politics has no place.Rather than a communist conception of the people, then, Jameson’s universal army takes to an extreme the conception of population that is operative under neoliberal capitalism.There is no active collective of self-governing people making their own history.There are only economic units of production and consumption.Ensconced in the “quasi-paranoid fear of any form of political or social organization—whether in the formation of political parties of one kind or another or in the speculation about the construction of future societies radically different from this one” that he diagnoses on the left since 1968, Jameson misdiagnoses symptom as cause.The problem is not that we must “cure ourselves of the habit of thinking politically.” It is that the left has stopped thinking and acting politically.Preoccupied with identity politics and culture critique (the latter of which Jameson sharply addresses), the left has dissolved itself into liberals interested in including ever more of us into globalized multicultural capitalism and anarchists focused on the micropolitics of small group engagement.Fearful of power after the excesses of the twentieth century, the left has ceded the state to capital acting as a class.Jameson says no one wants a state any longer.This is incorrect.Corporations and the rich lay out billions in their attempts to capture the state, whether via elections or legislation.The US state deploys its murderous force worldwide to insure that its allies control their states.Jameson seeks to circumvent the challenge of building political power by relying on coercion and eliminating the political altogether.But the political cannot be eliminated.What changes is its mode of expression, the forms it takes.In fact, contra Jameson, the object of political theory has always been conflict, not the collective as such.The scandal of Marxism, and perhaps even of democracy, is the demand that conflict and connectivity be thought together [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]