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.For a long time to come, he said, it would require the exercise of all of the powers of government "to restrain the fury of the noncombatants."1This fury was an elemental force that swept through North and South in precisely the same way, and it was going across the land like a flame.It did not look like fury at first; it was wild, laughing, extravagant, armed with flags and music and the power of speech, groping insistently for heavier weapons.The coming of war had released it.Something unendurable had ended; the uncertainty and the doubt were gone, along with the need to examine mind and heart for unattainable answers, and a Boston merchant looked about him at the crowds, the waving banners, and the general jubilation and wrote: "The heather is on fixe.I never before knew what a popular excitement can be." The London Times's Mr.Russell, stopping in North Carolina on his way to Charleston, saw the same thing—"flushed faces, wild eyes, screaming mouths," with men shouting so stridently for Jefferson Davis and the Southern Confederacy (to which North Carolina had not yet attached itself) that the bands playing "Dixie" could not be heard.Men slapped strangers on the backs, women tossed bunches of flowers from windows, and in Richmond a crowd paraded to the Tredegar Iron Works under a Confederate flag, dragged a cannon to the steps of the state Capitol, and fired a salute.Some fundamental emotion had slipped the leash; it would control both President Lincoln and President Davis, and yet at the same time it was a force which the two men themselves would have to control in order to make war.2Dazzled by the overwhelming public response to the news that one flag had gone down and another had gone up, ordinarily sensible men gave way to uncritical vaporing.Youthful John Hay, the somewhat condescending ornament of the White House secretariat, looked at a company of untried Northern militia and wrote: "When men like these leave their horses, their women and their wine, harden their hands, eat crackers for dinner, wear a shirt for a week and never black their shoes—all for a principle—it is hard to set any bounds to the possibilities of such an army." Hard indeed; particularly so since exactly the same sort of men were doing exactly the same things in the South for a diametrically opposed principle, creating boundless possibilities of their own.Leroy Pope Walker, the Confederate Secretary of War, told a serenading crowd in Montgomery that the Confederate flag "will, before the first of May, float over the dome of the old capital in Washington," and he went on to say that if Southern chivalry were pushed too far, the flag might eventually rise over Faneuil Hall in Boston.The eminent German-American Carl Schurz wrote admiringly that "millionaires' sons rushed to the colors by the side of laborers," and correspondent Russell noted that barefooted poor whites in the deepest South were whooping it up for Confederate independence as loyally as the wealthiest planters.3Through the fall and winter, events had seemed to move slowly, as if fate wanted to give men a chance to have second thoughts about what was being done.Now everything began to go with a rush, and what was done would be done for keeps.White House routine had gone about as usual on April 13, when Anderson was driven to surrender.Lincoln received visitors, signed papers, worried about patronage.The cabinet met briefly, but in the absence of conclusive news it could do very little.During the morning Lincoln met with a delegation from the Virginia secession convention.What this convention would inevitably do was strongly indicated by the news in the morning papers; Roger Pryor had cried "Strike a blow!" and the blow had been struck, once and for all.Still, there was time for a word from the President, and Lincoln had written out a brief statement: a cautious indication of future policy, saying much less than was on the President's mind.If it proved true, he said, that Fort Sumter had actually been attacked, he would perhaps suspend the delivery of United States mails in the states that claimed to have seceded, for he believed that the commencement of actual war against the government justified and perhaps required such a step.He still considered all military posts and property in the seces-sionist states to be Federal property, and he continued to stand by the policy laid down in the inaugural—to hold, occupy and possess such places.He would not try to collect duties and imposts by armed invasion of any part of the country, but at the same time he might conceivably land an armed force, in case of need, to relieve a fort along the borders.The delegates went away as wise as when they came but probably no wiser.4Lincoln would do a great deal more than he had told the Virginians that Saturday, because he clearly had concluded that the time for temporizing had gone.Whatever might or might not have been done, once the firing began at Fort Sumter, Lincoln was ready to make war.If the border states could stand the shock and would go along, well and good; if not, they could go where they chose.He would fight the theory and the fact of secession with all the power at his disposal, letting what had happened at Charleston stand as a declaration of war.On Sunday, April 14, when news that Anderson had hauled down his flag reached Washington, Lincoln met with his cabinet again, and talked to his military advisers, and on Monday morning he issued a proclamation —an announcement that the war was on, and a statement (as far as one could be made at this moment) of the policy that would guide him in the conduct of that war.It went to the country on April 15.After reciting the obvious fact that "combinations too powerful to be suppressed" by ordinary law courts and marshals had taken charge of affairs in the seven secessionist states, it announced that the several states of the Union were called on to contribute 75,000 militia "in order to suppress said combinations and to cause the laws to be duly executed." It continued:"I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and to redress wrongs already long endured [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]